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Abdul Rahman: On Trial for Freedom
By
Robert Spencer *
Mar 22, 2006
President Bush recently
declared: “Before September the 11th, 2001, Afghanistan was ruled by a cruel
regime that oppressed its people, brutalized women, and gave safe haven to the
terrorists who attacked America. Today…the Afghan people are building a vibrant
young democracy that is an ally in the war on terror. And America is proud to
have such a determined partner in the cause of freedom.”
But last month
an Afghan, Abdul Rahman, was arrested for the crime of leaving Islam and
becoming a Christian—demonstrating that the freedom Afghans enjoy under the
Karzai regime is not what Westerners might expect.
State Department
spokesman
Sean McCormack tried to find a silver lining: “Under the Taliban, anybody
considered an apostate was subject to torture and death. Right now, you have a
legal proceeding that is under way in Afghanistan.” Undersecretary of State
Nicholas Burns was hopeful: “As the Afghan constitution affords freedom of
religion to all Afghan citizens, we hope very much that those rights, the right
of freedom of religion, will be upheld in an Afghan court.”
But that Constitution
also
stipulates that “no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the
sacred religion of Islam….The religion of the state of the Islamic Republic of
Afghanistan is the sacred religion of Islam. Followers of other religions are
free to exercise their faith and perform their religious rites within the limits
of the provisions of law.”
It is likely that that
last clause refers to provisions of traditional Islamic law denying various
rights to non-Muslims and restricting freedom of conscience. It is just as
likely that most Westerners who read the Afghan Constitution before the arrest
of Abdul Rahman had no idea of its import. Thus Congressman Tom Lantos (D-CA),
in an indignant letter to Afghan President Hamid Karzai, took pains to point out
that Abdul Rahman’s conversion had occurred long before the Karzai government
took power, as if this restriction on freedom of conscience were somehow newly
minted: “I find it outrageous that Mr. Rahman is being prosecuted and facing the
death penalty for converting to Christianity, which he did 16 years ago before
your government even existed.”
In fact, however, the
Islamic death penalty for apostasy was not invented either by Karzai or Mullah
Omar. It is as old as the Muslim Prophet Muhammad’s command that “if somebody (a
Muslim) discards his religion, kill him” (Bukhari, vol. 4, bk. 52, no. 260). It
is deeply ingrained in Islamic culture—which is one reason why it was Abdul
Rahman’s family that went to police to file a complaint about his conversion,
even so many years after the fact. Whatever triggered their action now, they
could be confident that the police would receive such a complaint with the
utmost seriousness.
The Abdul Rahman case is
an opportunity for the British and American governments to refine and clarify
what exactly they mean by freedom: is it simple one-person one-vote
self-determination, which has elected exponents of political Islam in large
numbers recently in the Palestinian Authority, Iraq, Egypt and elsewhere? Or is
it Western concepts of universal human rights and freedoms, as derived from the
Judeo-Christian tradition and encapsulated by the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights?
Abdul Rahman may go free
simply as a bid to keep American aid flowing into Kabul. But the deeper problem
within Afghan society—and the larger lack of focus in the Western powers’
overall aims in Afghanistan and Iraq—will still remain. We may hope that
sometime soon President Bush, having determined to keep his new “partners in the
cause of freedom,” will call for the removal of the Sharia provisions in the
Afghan and Iraqi Constitutions, and declare his support for full freedom of
conscience such as that exercised by Abdul Rahman.
Certainly such a course
would lose him many friends in the Islamic world, but it would win him many
there and elsewhere as well—among those who hold that the dignity of the human
person, and the right not to be coerced into belief, are worth defending.
_________________________
Source:
Human Events online.
* Mr. Spencer is
director of
Jihad Watch and author of
The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades) (Regnery -- a
HUMAN EVENTS sister company) and
Islam Unveiled: Disturbing Questions About the World's Fastest Growing Faith
(Encounter). |